November 4, 2005
When the "new
Sanhedrin" was established in Tiberias a year ago, hardly anyone took it
seriously. The 71 rabbis who came to the northern city 1,660 years after the
original Sanhedrin (the assembly of 71 ordained scholars that was both supreme
court and legislature in Talmudic times) held its last meeting there, were
welcomed by many in the Orthodox and ultra-Orthodox sectors with smiles tinged
with derision.
The declaration of the Sanhedrin's reestablishment was perceived as both a
curiosity on the margins of the right and as a rebellion against halakhic
conventions; as a perhaps daring step, but one that was also a warning;
far-reaching, but to a large extent provocative.
The fact that the leading Torah scholars of this generation, or those who are
identified as such, took no part in this pretentious venture posed many
questions about the new Sanhedrin's source of power and authority. The founding
rabbis, most of them fairly anonymous, did agree in writing to vacate their
places in favor of rabbis who are greater Torah scholars, as soon as some are
found willing to serve.
Nevertheless, the initial impression was that this was another effort by the
Jewish Leadership movement within the Likud, an effort that had a
Torah-oriented, halakhic-messianic slant and was striving for a revolution in
the government.
The man who headed the new venture was Hillel Weiss, a professor of literature
and one of the leaders of Jewish Leadership, who nearly twenty years ago
reinstated another ancient practice: the traditional hakhel gathering, which
took place once every seven years at the end of the Sukkot festival, the year
after an agricultural Sabbatical (shmitta) year, and was attended by the king of
Israel.
The first hakhel gathering organized by Weiss at the Western Wall plaza in 1987
was attended by then-president Chaim Herzog, prime minister Yitzhak Shamir,
Supreme Court president Meir Shamgar, chief rabbis Avraham Shapira and Mordechai
Eliahu and many other dignitaries. It has been repeated twice since, once every
seven years.
A year after its establishment, it is impossible to see the new Sanhedrin as the
domain of the extreme right wing alone: at a large gathering in Jerusalem's Har
Nof neighborhood Tuesday, Rabbi Adin Even Israel Steinsaltz, a well-known Talmud
scholar who is much esteemed in Torah circles, both in the ultra-Orthodox world
and in the national-religious sector, came forward as the president of the
Sanhedrin.
Steinsaltz avoided delving into politics and spoke about gradually building up
the ancient institution, which would take several generations, he said. The very
fact that he is leading the new Sanhedrin can be considered a dramatic event,
given the numerous efforts in the last few years to strengthen the Jewish
character of the state, integrate into it elements of Hebrew law and to combat
the idea of a state for all its citizens. The fact that the new Sanhedrin also
includes many rabbis affiliated with the ultra-Orthodox stream, added to the
fact that they are not among the best known and leading rabbis in that sector,
endows the effort with another unusual dimension that distances it from being
another "extreme right-wing" venture.
In its first year, the new Sanhedrin initiated a dialogue with the Ministry of
Education over the Bible and Scriptures curriculum; set up a "High Council
for the Sons of Noah," whose task it is to establish contact with
non-Jewish communities seeking to observe the Noahide laws - the seven
commandments given to the sons of Noah, or all mankind, which non-Jews are
obligated to uphold according to halakha.
The Sanhedrin also discussed at length the physical location of the altar and
Holy of Holies on the Temple Mount and dealt with the question of whether in our
generation, Jews abroad must continue to observe the second festival day of the
Diaspora, an additional day that is added to each of the three pilgrimage
festivals - Sukkot, Passover and Shevuot.
The new Sanhedrin sharply attacked the disengagement plan and recently ruled
that three minors who asked it for a ruling had acted properly when they refused
to be tried in a court not based on Torah law.
"We hereby instruct you to continue your refusal, and the One who releases
prisoners will release you from your confinement," the rabbis wrote them.
In another ruling, the Sanhedrin's "Court for Matters of Nationhood and
State" permitted a family from the evacuated community of Sa-Nur to accept
compensation from the state for their evacuation, "even though this was an
unjust law forced on the expellees."
Ordination revived
According to halakha, in order to revive the Sanhedrin, "ordination"
is required, i.e., the ordination of members by others who are greater and wiser
Torah scholars, to serve on the Supreme Court as necessary.
The first ordination, you may recall, was that of Joshua Bin Nun, whom Moses
ordained. Other famous ordinations over the course of the generations included
the "five elders": Rabbi Meir, Rabbi Yehuda, Rabbi Shimon, Rabbi Yossi
and Rabbi Eliezer Ben Shamu'a, who were ordained by Yehuda Ben Baba, between the
towns of Usha and Shfaram.
Ordination ended in Israel when the yeshivas closed and the Sanhedrin stopped
functioning. The last people ordained no longer placed their hands on their
students' heads, because of the restrictions imposed by the Roman government.
Maimonides wrote that if all scholars in Israel agree to appoint scholars and
ordain them, than these are ordained people and they may discuss matters of
fines and punishment and may ordain others. However, even Maimonides did not see
this as a fait accompli; he added that the matter needed to be "decided
on."
In the 16th century, nearly all the Torah scholars in the land of Israel
accepted the initiative of Rabbi Jacob Birav to resume ordination and
reestablish the Sanhedrin. Rabbi Levy Ben Haviv, the rabbi of Jerusalem who was
not informed of the plans, sabotaged the effort, and in the end Birav was forced
to flee the country.
Upon the reestablishment of the state, the first minister of religion, Rabbi
Yehuda Leib Hacohen Maimon, attempted to renew the Sanhedrin, but the opposition
of the ultra-Orthodox sabotaged the effort.
It is therefore surprising that the first ordained person in modern times, who
ostensibly authorized the convening of the new Sanhedrin, was an ultra-Orthodox
figure - Rabbi Dov Levanoni of Jerusalem. The members of the new Sanhedrin
present a video in which Rabbi Levanoni relates how he received the first
ordination to take place since the time of Rabbi Yaakov Birav, from one of the
leaders of the Eidah Haredit's Beit Din Zedek religious court, Rabbi Moshe
Halberstam. Levanoni ordained two other rabbis, and they ordained four more.
Since each person can only ordain two people, it took almost a year to ordain
the 120 men needed for the new Sanhedrin. Most of them were present at Tuesday's
gathering in Hai Taib Street synagogue in Har Nof, to mark a year since the
renewal of the ancient institution.
The new Sanhedrin is recognized by a very small public, and this is its Achilles
heel. Rabbi Re'em Hacohen, the head of the hesder yeshiva in Otniel, who
delivered the opening address at the meeting - he is not a member of the new
Sanhedrin - sketched clear halakhic parameters that indicate the problems
involved. According to him, it is not possible to resume the ordination without
the consent of the entire Jewish people.
"The Sanhedrin is the foundation for the presence of the Divine spirit ...
and until this body has representatives from the entire nation - and at the
moment it does not have representatives of the entire nation, not even
representatives of the religious, Torah observant segment of the nation, then it
is problematic," Hacohen said. Like other speakers at the conference, he
too feels that "today there is a total division between the executive and
judicial branches, and the nation and the rabbinical court system is also not
free of this plague." Nevertheless, he says, "The Sanhedrin cannot
replace them until it draws its power from the entire nation."
The establishment of the new Sanhedrin reflects profound unhappiness with the
way the Israeli legal system is run, there were harsh remarks to that effect at
the conference. Rabbi Israel Rosen, the head of the Tsomet Institute of Halakha
and Technology, which provides solutions to halakhic problems using technology,
attacked the sections on religion and state, minorities and the status of the
Supreme Court in the draft constitution proposed by the Israel Democracy
Institute, for whom the "Supreme Court has become their Sanhedrin."
"But the Sanhedrin in its existing format," acknowledges Rosen,
"is not serious. Even if in principle one accepts the need to revive the
Sanhedrin, it should include authoritative halakhic scholars and Torah scholars
of the first order. At the moment, it seems as if they have jumped too
high."
Ultra-Orthodox Rabbi Yoel Schwartz, spiritual advisor to the ultra-Orthodox
Nahal brigade and a member of the new Sanhedrin, accepts the criticism and
defines the institution as "infrastructure only." Not everyone sees
eye to eye with him. Hillel Weiss, who also has become one of the ordained
members, says, "The goal of the new Sanhedrin is to become a source of
authority for the Jewish people, and this is contrary to the accepted position
of the left that the state of Israel is the source of this authority.
"I and many of my colleagues want to be part of this state, but not at the
cost of our spiritual and physical destruction. This Sanhedrin draws together
all the scars and injuries and anguish from the injustice and persecution that
Jews endure here from the Supreme Court and whoever follows the Supreme Court
and whoever pretends to maintain the rule of law here."
Rabbi Ratzon Arussi, the rabbi of Kiryat Ono and a member of the Supreme
Rabbinical Council, also feels persecuted. On Tuesday, Arussi sharply criticized
the Knesset and the court. He spoke about the "clash that is gaining
momentum between Torah law and state law," and despaired over "barren
dialogues with the secular side that ostensibly create understandings, which
have no practical value for various connections to our heritage." The
court, Arussi feels, "is today obligated only to the state, but not to its
Jewish identity."
Arussi suggested setting red lines for this identity and announcing that if the
Knesset does not incorporate them into legislation, all the religious parties
will resign. Rabbi Dov Lior, the head of the Committee of Judea and Samaria
Rabbis, said things at the conference that were even more far-reaching: "A
collective of evil people is not part of the quorum ... every law against the
Torah is invalid. There are forces of evil seeking to harm anything related to
the sanctity of Israel, and the legal system is one area where the greatest
desecration of God's name is occurring.
It is hard to know how long Steinsaltz will last as president of the new
Sanhedrin. At the public session held on the first anniversary of the apparent
reestablishment of the ancient institution, he appeared to be fighting internal
opposition. He pointed out to those present that worldwide events couldn't
happen in one fell swoop.
Jerusalem wasn't built in a day
"Before the flood, Noah built the ark and prepared to enter it for 120
years," he reminded the audience. "In order to move forward and no
longer be defined as `an aborted fetus,' to become serious so we can say, `a
child was born to us,' we need a lot of time. The mere mention of the name
Sanhedrin is not a given. It is no longer a matter of a religious council, or a
council for the cats on Emek Refaim Street. It's something that has historical
meaning. A basic change, not of one small system, but of fundamental systems.
"It's no wonder that these things frighten people. There are people who are
concerned about what is emerging here. And where is it headed? After we have
made it through this year with no catastrophes occurring, even though there were
some foolish comments and chuckling, we will intensify and strengthen our
activities. We will do things with an eye toward future generations, not with a
stopwatch and an annual calendar. The Jewish calendar is a calendar of thousands
of years. A lot of patience and a lot of work are needed. I'd be happy if in
another few years these chairs are filled by scholars who are greater than us
and we can say: `I kept the chairs warm for you.'"
Steinsaltz used his position as president of the Sanhedrin to protest its
involvement in politics. "I'm not afraid of the Supreme Court, the police
or the attorney general. A rabbi is also permitted to engage in public issues,
but to do so he has to have all the appropriate material before him, whether he
is dealing with the kosher status of a chicken or the disengagement.
"When there is such a disengagement plan, and I don't have enough
information about it, just as there is a commandment to speak out, there is a
commandment to remain silent. As a private person, I, just like every one of us,
have understanding, but as a rabbi, dealing with political matters such as the
disengagement is a mockery of the essence of the concept of a Sanhedrin.
"If I don't want to be a laughing-stock, then I won't express an opinion on
every issue. These words of truth need to be said, so that this Sanhedrin does
not become a branch of the Yesha Council (of Jewish Settlements in Judea,
Samaria and Gaza) or of the Council for Peace and Security."
SOURCE: Haaretz